Democrats want control of Congress, but what will they actually do with it?

Opinion>Opinions - Campaign The views expressed by contributors are their own and not the view of The Hill Democrats want control of Congress, but what will they actually do with it? Comments: by William S. Becker, opinion contributor - 06/22/26 10:30 AM ET Comments: Link copied by William S. Becker, opinion contributor - 06/22/26 10:30 AM ET Comments: Link copied

Associated Press Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., speaks during a news conference after a policy luncheon on Capitol Hill, Tuesday, June 16, 2026, in Washington. (AP Photo/Mariam Zuhaib)

The possibility that Democrats will control the next Congress keeps improving, as the Republican majority capitulates to President Trump’s erratic and corrupt behavior. However, Democrats should be more transparent about what they would do with their power.

So far, they seem to have followed Napoleon’s dictum, “Never interrupt an enemy when he’s making a mistake.” It hasn’t won them much respect. More than 40 percent of voters are unhappy with both political parties. If Democrats intend to save democracy and civilized society, they will need control of the Senate as well as the House. They should make a stronger case than “We’re not Trump.”

House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, the centrist New Democrat Coalition and the Congressional Progressive Caucus have developed policy agendas, but there apparently is no unified plan. Why not let actual legislation do the talking?

Democrats could introduce specific bills and resolutions over the next four months, teeing them up for fast action in January. The legislative package could show precisely how a Democratic Congress would prevent Trump’s excesses, fix what he has broken, close the loopholes he has used to abuse power, and begin the long process of restoring the American people’s faith in democracy and the world’s confidence in America.  

Here are some suggestions.

Impeachments: Trump’s high crimes could fill a law library, but the next House could pass a manageable impeachment resolution consisting of two charges: Trump’s use of the presidency for personal and family enrichment, including his sale of presidential pardons; and his violation of the War Powers Act and international laws with unauthorized military excursions, including the Iran war.

The House could also impeach acting Attorney General Todd Blanche for willfully violating the Epstein Files Transparency Act by refusing to release the remaining millions of documents in the case.

Presidential immunity: In 2024, the Supreme Court granted former presidents immunity from prosecution for violating laws while performing official acts during their terms. However, the court provided scant guidance on how lower courts differentiate between official and unofficial acts. Democrats should define the difference. For example, any act that personally enriches a president, his family or their businesses clearly is not an official duty.  

Climate change: The Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that the Environmental Protection Agency could limit climate-altering greenhouse gas pollution if it determined that the gases endanger public health and welfare. EPA issued that finding in 2009, but Trump’s EPA rescinded it in February. Congress should codify it in statutes.

Democrats could also satisfy the major questions doctrine by explicitly authorizing the EPA to set national limits on gases. Democrats could explain that limiting fossil fuel pollution would accelerate America’s shift to clean energy, reducing the costs of energy, food, healthcare, insurance and more, while making the economy more resilient to disruptions in oil markets.

Equal justice: During Trump’s first term, voters began to believe that politics influenced Justice Department decisions. Now, Trump’s misuse of the Justice Department to punish his perceived enemies is so blatant that it has demoralized the department, normalized malicious prosecutions, led to the loss of more than 10,000 attorneys, and made a mockery of justice “without fear or favor.”  Congress should formalize the Justice Department’s independence from the presidency.

Good government: Democrats could create two independent advisory commissions to generate recommendations before the 2028 election.

The first would identify how to fix the gaps and vulnerabilities Trump’s abuses have revealed in laws, ethical standards, and the Constitution. For example, why is the president statutorily exempt from the conflict-of-interest, ethics and conduct rules that apply to other federal officers?

The second commission would recommend whether and how to rebuild critical government capabilities that Trump and DOGE destroyed, including federal science, public health, foreign aid, and social programs. The goal would not be to restore government to its pre-DOGE condition, but rather to build it back to be more effective and efficient.  

Election integrity: The Supreme Court has gutted the Voting Rights Act. Trump appears determined to sabotage elections. Democrats should restore the act’s most important requirements, including federal preclearance of new voting restrictions in states engaged in racial discrimination. Congress could add key reforms in state election administration, including a requirement that independent citizen commissions, rather than politicians, conduct redistricting.

International leadership: A joint resolution could reaffirm America’s commitment to the NATO alliance while setting a reasonable limit on the U.S. contribution to allies’ defense. Another resolution could give the Paris climate pact formal treaty status and the force of law as a congressional executive agreement. A similar resolution could make America a signatory to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, an agreement the U.S. has actively opposed.

Trump has undoubtedly done more damage to the federal government than we know. It will take a long time to identify and repair it. Democrats should tell us how they’d jump-start the process in January with control of Congress.

William S. Becker is executive director of the Presidential Climate Action Project.

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